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Much contemporary political philosophy has been a debate between utilitarianism on the one hand and Kantian, or rights-based ethic has recently faced a growing challenge from a different direction, from a view that argues for a deeper understanding of citizenship and community than the liberal ethic allows.
The writings collected in this volume present leading statements of rights-based liberalism and of the communitarian, or civic republican alternatives to that position. The principle of selection has been to shift the focus from the familiar debate between utilitarians and Kantian liberals in order to consider a more powerful challenge ot the rights-based ethic, a challenge indebted, broadly speaking, to Aristotle, Hegel, and the civic republican tradition.
Contributors include Isaiah Berlin, John Rawls, Alasdair MacIntyre.
- Sales Rank: #167084 in Books
- Published on: 1984-12-01
- Released on: 1984-12-01
- Original language: English
- Number of items: 1
- Dimensions: 9.25" h x .70" w x 6.13" l, .72 pounds
- Binding: Paperback
- 278 pages
Most helpful customer reviews
12 of 12 people found the following review helpful.
The issue of liberalism is examined by modern thinkers.
By A Customer
This collection of articles from several prominent thinkers such as Berlin, Hayek, and Nozick, allowed for an all encompasing overview of issues facing both proponents and opponents of modern liberalism. General themes ranging from definitions of liberty to the role of the free-market in issues of distributive justice are examined. For a beginning or curious political thinker, this book offers an ideal overview for understanding the bigger, broader issues facing modern political thought.
1 of 1 people found the following review helpful.
Conflict of values: can we get along?
By Richard E. Hayes
The liberals represented here are all Kantian rights-based liberals. Sandel describes them as "egalitarian liberals" and "libertarian liberals" [but Hayek has rejected the label "libertarian" : see WHY I AM NOT A CONSERVATIVE]. Rawls and Dworkin "advocate certain welfare rights that Hayek and Nozick oppose ..." [Since Hayek supports a safety net, this summary by Sandel needs amplification.] The critics all object to the radical individualism in the Kantian tradition. Some are communitarians, and Sandel says one is a "democratic socialist" and one a "traditional conservative." The critics are heirs of Hegel, Kant's great critic. [The fact that socialists and conservatives share criticisms of liberalism is also discussed by Hayek, op. cit.]
This is not about debates between today's American Republican and Democratic parties. Both of these parties are heirs of Enlightenment liberalism, and both violate, when in power, Hayek's principles of liberalism. As Hayek repeatedly urged, those who agree with his defense of liberty should call themselves liberals, not conservatives. The current corruption of the word for partisan purposes is a disservice to the political process. [Late in life, Hayek found it increasingly difficult to insist on calling himself a liberal -- one of the consequences of polarization between two "liberal" parties in the U.S. and the perversion of the term. He decided he was an "Old Whig" {op.cit.}, which opens a whole other can of worms!]
The true opponent of liberalism is conservatism, another word distorted in current usage [discussed by Hayek, op. cit.]. Not a topic of this book. An excellent account of the war of conservatism against liberalism is ENEMIES OF THE ENLIGHTENMENT by Darrin McMahon. Hayek said conservatism has nothing to contribute to the questions facing citizens of the modern state [op.cit.].
Bias? -- Sandel says that here are offered "examples of the communitarian, or republican alternatives" to "rights-based liberalism." But isn't the latter republican? Sandel says three selections "challenge the liberal view" -- does that mean that these critics are not liberals? One criticizes "conservative political theory" (Burke) and says nothing against political liberalism. The second criticizes the "modern consciousness" shaped by capitalism (one expression of liberalism), affirms the value of inalienable human rights and dignity, and dismisses the option of "a regressive restoration of traditional codes," but does not say anything about political liberalism. The third is the most acute criticism (Sandel, communitarian), a technical critique of Rawls; it affirms the value of understanding ourselves "as citizens of this republic" and claims to show the defect in liberalism, but I could not understand the argument (my limitation).
The lead essay is a classic by Isaiah Berlin, which merits multiple readings. He says there are " more than 200 senses of this protean word [freedom]" which illustrates the difficulty of political discourse. He pleads for "the empirical, as against the metaphysical, view of politics," and for a political arrangement that tolerates a pluralism of ultimate values that cannot be merged or submerged in a cultural unity without violating liberty.
The excerpt from Rawls contrasts utilitarianism with a politics guided by the principle of "justice as fairness." The excerpt omits his definition of a key concept, "the original position" behind "the veil of ignorance." [see Wikipedia: Original position].
Dworkin's excerpt is an analysis of liberal and conservative aims in current American politics and their philosophical bases. This helps clarify the evolution of political terms from "classical" to contemporary. The other essays are not about current politics, but are philosophical investigations.
Hayek, whom Sandel puts among the rights-based liberals, makes a powerful argument about the concept of equality. It does not get the rigorous criticism Rawls gets. I would like to have seen a response by a critic of Hayek liberalism.
Nozick makes a shocking observation (which I capitalize): "The existence of past injustice ... raises [a] major topic under justice in holdings [property]: the rectification of injustice in holdings ... I DO NOT KNOW OF A THOROUGH TREATMENT OF SUCH ISSUES [as] what may victims of injustice permissibly do in order to rectify the injustices" -- such as stealing the labor of one's slave ancestors. "[We need] a principle of rectification ... I shall not attempt that task here." His dilemma derives from his doctrine that only a minimal state is legitimate and "redistribution" is illegitimate without a strong argument from a principle of justice. Thus, a leading libertarian evades a key question of justice.
The excerpt from HEGEL by Charles Taylor is valuable background to the debate here between Kant and Hegel, between rights-based liberalism and communitarianism/socialism/conservatism. Taylor says Hegel has been misunderstood as producing "Prussianism, state worship, even proto-Fascism." Hegel's doctrine is that "morality reaches its completion in a community ...obligations are founded in our membership of some community." Hegel "provided the indispensable background for Marx's thought." These are the common themes of critics of liberalism, which aims to liberate individuals from overpowering forces of community and tradition.
Walzer, the "democratic socialist," criticizes market ideology and radical individualism. "... members of a political community owe one another communal provision of security and welfare ... [Needs are] elusive ... expansive .. voracious [and] subject to political limitations [only, not to] "merely philosophical stipulation."
Oakshott, the "traditional conservative," aims to redeem the phrase "political education," which has been corrupted to mean propaganda. Politics is "the activity of attending to the general arrangements of a set of people." How to do this has to be learned. Politics is "the exploration of a sympathy for what does not fully appear ... an incoherence in the arrangements of a society which pressed convincingly for remedy." The suggestion that only those with the requisite knowledge of our political heritage can guide politics may be conservative (and may be true), but I did not see anything here particularly conservative or critical of liberalism. It's a valuable caution to be modest in our political schemes.
There are varieties of liberalism and communitarianism (good articles in Wikipedia). Within each are significant differences. The tension between groups and within groups -- in other words, among the conflicting values and interests of citizens -- is beneficial, each correcting the excesses of the other. Liberalism opposes authoritarianism; communitarianism/socialism/conservatism remind us that we are creatures of a culture, a nation, a history. Perhaps the most informed and thoughtful citizen holds a mix of these contending values.
0 of 1 people found the following review helpful.
Five Stars
By NikNik
Interesting read
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